VOEGELIN -- RESEARCH NEWS

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Volume IV, No. 8                                        November 1998
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In this issue:  1.  Bibliography Update # 11.
                2.  Transcription of Voegelin's talk "The Church."
                    (Transcribed by M.W. Poirier)


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                        Bibliographic Update # 11
                              compiled by
                      Professor Geoffrey L. Price


Aguet, J.-P. "Review of Eric Voegelin. From Enlightenment to 
     Revolution_. Edited by John H. Hallowell. Durham, North Carolina: 
     Duke University Press, 1975." _Revue de theologie et de 
     philosophie_ 113 (1981): 91.

"Akademiebericht: Ehrendoktorwuerde fuer Eric Voegelin." _Politische 
     Studien_ 258 (1981): 414.

Babin, James L. "Eric Voegelin's Recovery of the Remembering Story." 
     _Southern Review (N.S.)_ 34 (1998): 341-366.

Casanova Guerra, Carlos Augusto. _Verdad escatologica y accion 
     intramundana: la teoria politica de Eric Voegelin_. Pamplona: 
     Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 1997. ISBN 8 431 31527 X.

Cooper, Barry. "Review of Ellis Sandoz. _The Voegelinian Revolution_. 
     Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1981." 
     _Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de 
     Science Politique_ 16 (1983): 199.

Davis, Charles. "Review of Frederick G. Lawrence, ed. _The Beginning 
     and the Beyond: Papers from the Gadamer and Voegelin Conference_. 
     Lonergan Workshop, Volume 4, Supplementary Volume. Chico, 
     California: Scholars Press, 1984." _Studies in Religion/Sciences 
     Religieuses_ 14 (1985): 526.

Franz, Michael G. "Gnosticism and Spiritual Disorder in _The Ecumenic 
     Age_." _Political Science Reviewer_ 27 (1998): 17-43.

Franzmann, Majella.  _Jesus in the Nag Hammadi Writings_, p. 172. 
     Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1996.

Hallowell, John H. "Review of Ellis Sandoz. _The Voegelinian 
     Revolution_. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University 
     Press, 1981." _Modern Age_ 26 (1982): 397.

Henkel, Michael. _Eric Voegelin: zur Einfuehrung_. Hamburg: Junius, 
     1998.

Henningsen, Bernd. "Wissenschaftliches Symposion mit Eric Voegelin: 
     `Politische Philosophie heute'. Ein Tagungsbericht." _Zeitschrift 
     fuer Politik_ 28 (1981): 193.

Henningsen, Manfred. "The Emerging Universalism of Eric Voegelin." 
     _Political Science Reviewer_ 27 (1998): 97-115.

Hoepfl, H.M. "Eric Voegelin." In _Routledge Encyclopaedia of 
     Philosophy. _Vol. 9__, edited by Edward Craig, pp. 654-57. London 
     and New York: Routledge, 1998.

Hoeveler, J.David. "Review of Ellis Sandoz. _The Voegelinian 
     Revolution_. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University 
     Press, 1981." _American Journal of Education_ 90 (1982): 353.

Hughes, Glenn A. "The Line that runs from Time into Eternity: 
     Transcendence and History in _The Ecumenic Age_." _Political 
     Science Reviewer_ 27 (1998): 116-154.

Kiel, Albrecht. _Gottesstaat und Pax Americana: zur politischen 
     Theologie von Carl Schmitt und Eric Voegelin_. Cuxhaven, 
     Dartford: Junghans, 1998. ISBN 3 932905 06 7.

Krauss, Heinrich. "Review of `Politische Ordnung und menschliche 
     Existenz. Festgabe fuer Eric Voegelin zum 60. Geburtstag.' Edited 
     by  Alois Dempf, Hannah Arendt and Friedrich Engel-Janoesi. 
     Munich: C.H. Beck, 1962." _Archiv fuer Rechts- und 
     Sozialphilosophie_ 50 (1964): 594.

Landsberg, -. "Review of Eric Voegelin. _Die Rassenidee in der 
     Geistesgeschichte von Ray bis Carus_. Berlin: Junkler and 
     Dunnhaupt, 1933." _Zeitschrift fuer Sozialforschung_ 5 (1936): 
     153.

Macdonald, H.M. "Review of Sandoz, Ellis. _The Voegelinian 
     Revolution_. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University 
     Press, 1981." _Social Science Quarterly_ 63 (1982): 813.

Matz, Ulrich. "Eric Voegelin 80. Jahre." _Zeitschrift fuer Politik_ 27 
    (1980): 439.

Mayer, J. "Review of Eric Voegelin. _Der autoritaere Staat: ein 
     Versuch ueber das oesterreichische Staatsproblem_. Vienna: 
     Springer, 1936." _Zeitschrift fuer Sozialforschung_ 6 (1937): 226.

Mc Knight, Stephen A. "_The Ecumenic Age_ and the Issues facing 
     Historians in the Twentieth Century." _Political Science 
     Reviewer_ 27 (1998): 68-96.

Niemeyer, Gerhart. "A Voegelinian Textbook?" _Review of Politics_ 39 
     (1977): 438.

Pistoia, F. "Review of Eric Voegelin. _Il mito del mondo nuovo_. 
     Milan: Rusconi, 1970." _Giornale di Metafisica_ 26 (1971): 538-
     539.

Pitamic, L. "Review of Eric Voegelin. _UEber die Form des 
     amerikanischen Geistes_. Tuebingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1928."  
     _Zeitschrift fuer oeffentliches Recht_ 8 (1929): 637.

Rhodes, James M. "Recovery of Order: Scheler to Voegelin." _Review of 
     Politics_ 52 (1990): 331.

---. "Christian Faith, Jesus the Christ and History." _Political 
     Science Reviewer_ 27 (1998): 44-67.

Rohrlich, George F. "Correspondence with Eric Voegelin, William 
     Haber, Friedrich Hacker and other social scientists." _George F. 
     Rohrlich Papers. Special Collections and Archives, University 
     Libraries, University at Albany, State University of New York_ 
     (1952- 84).

Stanford, Donald E. "Correspondence with Eric Voegelin." _Stanford 
     University: Special Collections_ (1933-85). Call Number M466.

A Student's Teacher: Gerhart Niemeyer (February 15 1907 - June 23, 
     1997). "." _Political Science Reviewer_ 27 (1998): 1-10.

Topitsch, Ernst. "Review of Eric Voegelin. _Israel and Revelation._ 
     Vol. 1. _Order and History_. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana 
     State University Press, 1957." _Archiv fuer Rechts- und 
     Sozialphilosophie_ 43 (1957): 445.

---. "Review of Eric Voegelin. _The World of the Polis._ _Plato and 
     Aristotle_. Vols. 2, 3. _Order and History_. Baton Rouge, 
     Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1957." _Archiv fuer 
     Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie_ 45 (1959): 303.

Voegelin, Eric. _Religion and the Rise of Modernity_. Vol. 5. History 
     of Political Ideas. Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, edited 
     by Ellis Sandoz. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri 
     Press, 1998.

---. _La Nouvelle Science de la Politique_. Translated by Sylvie 
     Courtine. Paris: Editions Seuil, forthcoming, 1999.

Wahi, D. "`Zwischen Revolution und Restauration.' Review of Eric 
     Voegelin. _From Enlightenment to Revolution_. Edited by John H. 
     Hallowell. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1975." 
     _Deutsche Zeitschrift fuer Philosophie_ 20 (1972): 932.

Wiser, James L. "Introduction." In __Eric Voegelin._ Religion and the 
     Rise of Modernity_, pp. 1-16. Vol.5, History of Political Ideas. 
     Collected Works of Eric Voegelin. Columbia, Missouri: 
     University of Missouri Press, 1998.



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                      Transcription of "The Church"


                                    *

Transcriber's Note:  Numbers in square brackets indicate the pagination
of the original Voegelin typescript.  The symbols "{" and "}" around a
word indicate a hand-written word above the line in Voegelin's type-
script.  M.W.P.


                                    *

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                               The Church

                                   by
                              Eric Voegelin
                        Department of Government
                       Louisiana State University


                           (November 11, 1949)


The topic of our round-table is "The Church, The School, The State," and
it has fallen to my special lot -- for reasons known only to out program
chairman -- to talk about the church.  This assignment, I take it, does
not mean that I should talk about the Church in general -- a somewhat
large order -- but that I should say a few word about those aspects of
our religious life which, in contemporary society, are the source of
friction with the representatives of political power; and not about all
frictions stemming from this source but specifically about those which
concern the educational formation of the young.

In narrowing down the topic -- you will have noticed -- I have also some-
what enlarged it beyond the strict meaning of the title.  We are ac-
customed to apply the label "state and church" to the type of frictions
under consideration because historically the churches and states of the
sixteenth century were the organizations between whom these frictions
arose for the first time.  The label is still convenient because when it
is used everybody knows approximately what we are talking about.  Never-
theless, in political science we want to know precisely what we are
talking about, and not only approximately -- at least some political sci-
entists do --; and if we try to be a bit more critical we shall agree --
I hope -- that the Reformation occurred four hundred years ago and that,
in the course of the intervening centuries, the problem (that was not
simple even at that time) has become phantastically complicated through
the rise of numerous new creed communities outside the churches who
caused the trouble in the sixteenth century.  These new creed communities
have in their turn become social forces producing frictions with the
state; and the frictions caused by these new creed communities (to whom
we do not customarily apply the name "Church") far overshadow in practi-
cal importance the troubles of the older Churches -- at least for the
time being.  Unless we want to blind ourselves to [2] the range and
magnitude of the problem, we must pay attention to its complications and
ramifications on the contemporary scene.

At the core of the problem that we have under consideration lies the fact
that in our modern Western society we have a plurality of contestants for
the soul of man.  We shall now survey the various types of contestants
and their position in the dynamics of modern society.  And we shall start
this survey with the older Churches from whom we still derive the conven-
tional name for our problem.

We are so accustomed today to the form which Protestantism has assumed in
the later course of its history that it requires a special effort to
remember that once upon a time the Protestant Churches were Catholic
Churches.  When Luther embarked upon his reforming activity he did not
want to found a second Church, and still less did he want to open the way
for what a minister of my acquaintance proudly calls the fifty-seven
varieties, -- he wanted to reform the Catholic Church.  And Calvin dis-
covered that the Catholic Church was the Devil's establishment, he did
not want to share the spiritual rule of mankind with the Devil, -- he
wanted to found the universal Church of Geneva which -.with the help of
God -- would crowd the realm of Satan out of existence in a short while. 
It took a long series of civil and international wars before the competi-
tive universalisms acknowledged the fact that they would have to co-exist
in the Western World.  And this acknowledgement was not accompanied by a
reconciliation of claims; it was forced by the temporal authority of the
state which could not tolerate the destruction of community order by the
struggle of the Churches.  The temporal authority fell sole heir to the
order of the community because the representatives of spiritual authority
relinquished their share of public order in fact through their irrecon-
cilable schisms. [3]

If we formulate the problem in this manner we can understand the dynamics
of Western spiritual history which brought into play the new creed
communities.  The nature of man does not change when as a matter of
historical fact the public organization of spiritual order breaks up. 
The problem of spiritual order in society remains with us even when it
can no longer express itself in a public institution which by the uni-
versality of its organization symbolizes the universality of the spirit. 
If -- neglecting the rich field of gradations and regional variations --
we concentrate on the typical structure of the new situation, we may say
that the spiritual area of human life, released from the unquestioned
authority of the universal Church, became the wide open field for private
efforts at grappling with the problem of spiritual order; while the
monopoly of public order held by a temporal power without spiritual
authority could be viewed with a speculative eye by privateers who might
gain public authority by filling the inviting spiritual void.  Or, more
concretely, on the spiritual side we can observe the growth of new creed
communities besides [beside] the Churches; on the side of pubic order we
can observe the infiltration of the creed-communities [note: hyphen] into
the state monopoly, culminating in the conquest of the state in several
instances in our time, that is, in the political phenomenon that
conventionally we call totalitarianism.  We shall now follow the separate
lines of this development, and first deal with the nature of the new
creed communities.

The new spiritual movements of which we are speaking are in fact new
religions -- though many still hesitate to call them by this name.  They
grow within Western civilization and, therefore, inevitably bear the
character of derivative religions with regard to Christianity.  The have
the same formal characteristics as Christianity but nevertheless produce
new dogmatic symbolism because they are animated by a different experi-
ence of existence.  The new factor is the experience of man as a being
that will find its fulfillment in [4] world-immanent existence, that he
is not a being with supernatural destiny.  From this essential core, with
the common factor in the socially effective creed communities since the
eighteenth century, depend the dogmatic transformations of the inherited
Christian characteristics.  Obviously, the experiencing of man as a being
with immanent fulfillment does not abolish the fact that life is
transitory and ends with death; man still is finite and must find his
fulfillment in transcendence.  Since, however, the true transcendence of
God is excluded from the new experience of existence, the form of trans-
cendence must be fulfilled with an immanent realissimum substituting for
God.  Human collectives appear, therefore, in the role of divinities --
be they nations, classes, races or mankind as a whole.  For us the most
interesting, because socially most effective, of these divinities is
mankind.  To this type belong the mankind of Condorcet, the Grand-Etre of
Comte, and we are inclined to include the mankind of Communism, though
the collective divinity is the class, because Communism identifies class
and mankind in practice by murdering all human beings which [who] do not
fit the idea of [a] classless society -- "liquidation" is a mystical
operation by which mankind acquires the nature of divinity.

The second Christian category which receives a new meaning under the
pressure of immanentist experience is the destiny of the soul.  It is the
great transformation -- well known to you as the change which the meaning
of "progress" undergoes from Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_ to the
progress of the _philosophes_ of the eighteenth century.  The progress of
the soul through the sanctification of life towards the beatitude in
death becomes the progress of man towards world-immanent perfection.  In
the immanentist religions, however, man does not achieve this progress as
an individual, he only participates in it as a member of the collective
which is the true subject of perfection.  Mankind, the divinity, itself
is the subject of progress; and the individual man can participate in it
only through the discipline of his life in subordination to the [5]
demands of the collective.  Which form this new discipline of life
(substituting for the Christian sanctification of life) will assume
depends [up]on the conception of divinity in the various creed communi-
ties.  The progressivists of the eighteenth century, still bound by
liberal traditions, conceived the progress of mankind as resulting from
the voluntary. enthusiastic cooperation of the individuals.  (From this
time stems the idea, still strongly in favor in our contemporary society,
the peoples and great individuals of the past should be studied under the
aspect of their "contribution" to civilizational progress).   Still, in
Condorcet we find already the suggestion that the collective progress
should be taken in hand by a directorate of mankind, using a little
pressure on individuals who are interested in other things than progress.
Comte is even more elaborate in the organization of the collective
through the spiritual power of the positivist clergy and the temporal
power of industrial managers.  And Marx entrusts the organization of
progress to the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, which in
due course will result in what Lenin called the "terrestrial paradise." 
These later forms of progessivism require the scientific and utilitarian
discipline of Comte, and the revolutionary discipline of the Communist
movement.

The participation in the life of the collective divinity still seems to
leave the individual at the receiving end of the relation -- especially
since the participation requires sacrifice and discipline.  Kant, for
instance, was puzzled why a man should find comfort in the consciousness
that he was contributing to a perfection of mankind in a distant future
when he was long dead.  In the liberal phase of the progressive creed
Condorcet consoled himself with the vision of a mankind that would
achieve immanent immortality when the steadily increasing length of human
lifetimes would become a hereditary characteristic of man.  This vision
of a progressive Moses who sees the promised land of the [6] immortal
superman that he himself will not reach, was brought down to earth in the
next variety of the creed through Comte who produced the superman right
here and now by means of an operation on his own personality.  The
elaboration of the _Cours de Philosophie Positive_ was the mystical
operation through which Comte transformed himself into the man of perfect
humanity, into the new Christ with whom the era of perfection begins. 
But this type of transfiguration was still a bit difficult to obtain for
the man in the street.  In the third variety of the new creed, in Marx,
the transfiguration into the superman is achieved through the moral
enthusiasm engendered by the bloody violence of revolutionary action. 
Through participation in the massacres of the revolution "non-man" is
transformed into "superman."  He loses the finiteness of his personality
which is a characteristic of man only in the pre-historic phase in which
we live at present; he loses his individuality by absorbing the
collectivity into his consciousness; the divinity of the collective does
no longer transcend his finite existence; the "socialized man" has become
God himself.  In Marxian religiousness the Christian _unio mystica_ in
death has become completely immanentized as an event in history that can
be brought about by appropriate revolutionary activity.

Let us not turn to the social and political practice of the new creeds. 
Am immanentist creed which tries to achieve the perfection of man through
his absorption into a divine collective in historical action, needs some
organization and coordination of the movement.  The categories of
organization again are taken from Christianity, specifically from the
type of sectarian Christianity that goes in history under the name of
"gnostic."  A gnostic sect is a community, centered in a savior
personality in whom the spirit has become flesh, a so-called Paraclete. 
Through his superior penetration of the mysteries of the spirit (that is
the gnosis) the paracletic man has achieved the union with God in this
life, in history.  He is a _Homo Novus_, a new divinized [7] man.  From
these Paracletes of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance stem in traceable
continuity the modern immanentist Paracletes, the Supermen, like Comte
and Marx.  The sect which gathers around a Paraclete is the new mankind
in which God finds his perfect dwelling place in history.  The
transformation of the old, fallen mankind into the new transfigured
mankind proceeds through the expansion of the sect; and this expansion
assumes the form of hierarchical organization of the believers in ranks
according to their closeness to the Paraclete as the historical center of
redemption.  Here, in the structure of spiritual ranks of the expanding
sect, we have the model that is continued in the hierarchical structure
of the immanentist creeds.

Again we can observe the development of the problem in the three waves of
the progressivist creed.  In the mid-eighteenth century Turgot conceived
the idea of mankind as a _masse totale_, as a mass of humanity which only
as a whole progresses, with a vast differentiation of rank from backward,
primitive sections to the most highly civilized groups, with the peak of
course in the intellectuals of Paris.  Condorcet, 1793, already envisaged
a directorate of mankind that would do something about this state of
fact; that would educate the backward people and raise them to the level
of Western individuals; the would industrialize and civilize colonial
areas until the uneducated would be pushed to the frontiers where they
could die out through lack if subsistence or be killed if they became
vicious.  Comte, in the next generation, had the vision of the Occidental
Republic, that would expand into a federated world-republic, with the
world government in Paris, operated by the pontiffs of the positivist
creed.  Marx and his Communist successors, finally, developed the idea if
a mankind in which the lowest rank was held by the reactionary classes
that would have to be liquidated, while the toilers are the salt of the
earth; above the toilers then rises the group of industrial [8] workers
as the most advanced part of mankind, above them the Communist Party as
the vanguard of the proletariat, higher still ranks the Russian Communist
Party, until we arrive at the paracletic stratosphere in the Kremlin.  In
the Communist movement we find fully developed the idea of mankind [as] a
hierarchically organized gnostic empire.

Time does not permit the elaboration of further details.  Let us turn to
some conclusions concerning the frictions between the various religions
and the state.  Beginning with the eighteenth century it becomes inter-
nationally recognized that the maintenance of a public-school system is
one of the necessary functions of the modern state.  Such a school sys-
tem, however, does not function in an empty space but within a living
society; it is exposed in its organization, its curricula, and above all
in its personnel to the influence of the surrounding society.  Take the
French case.  In the course of the nineteenth century the personnel of
the public school system in France became fairly solidly laicistic-pro-
gressive, and today it is strongly communistic.  {Obviously} the Catholic
sector of the French people did what it could to secure a Christian
education for its children.  The friction between the religious community
and the state and its school system arises from the fact that the public
education is not a religiously neutral impartation of knowledge, but a
religious formation of the children through the daily influence of a
teaching personnel that belongs to the various creed communities of the
French Revolution, of Positivism and Communism.  The conflict between
Church and State in such a case is a conflict between Christianity and
the varieties of the new immanentist religions; it is a conflict between
two religions.  We are beset with a similar problem in our [editor: 
United States] country.  Our public-school system is to an appreciable
extent under the influence if the Deweyite progressives.  This group is
again a new creed community distinguished by [9] such traits as:  a
tradition of eighteenth century liberalism and civism, Pelagianism(1)
with regard to its status as a Christian heresy, utilitarian somewhat
Darwinian progressivism with regard to the discipline of life, a humani-
tarian morality, and perhaps a touch of eighteenth century Deism.  Need-
less to say, again, the families who take their Christianity seriously
will try, if possible, not to surrender the souls of their children to
the Deweyites.  Hence the movement of the {parochial} schools, not only
Catholic, what in my opinion is far more interesting, the growing move-
ment for Protestant {parochial} schools.  The same situation will arise,
with a vengeance, when one of the new creed communities, like the Com-
munist, captures the state power and therewith the monopoly of public
order.  Then the whole power of the modern state apparatus is at the
disposition of the movement for squeezing the attempts for Christian
education out of existence.  The public school system then becomes openly
the educational instrument of the creed community.  Contemporary
totalitarianism, we may say, is the consummation of a trend that begins
with the rise of the immanentist creed communities of the eighteenth
century.  Today a wider public begins to realize the formidable impli-
cations of this problem; and even the less perspicacious ones will
recognize the evolution of the friction between Church and State into the
death struggle between two religions when they look at the contemporary
European scene.  Looking at the election results in continental Europe
during the years since the War, we can make the following mental
experiment.  Let us imagine what would happen if from the party pattern
we strike the religious parties, the Catholics in Italy, France and Aus-
tria, the combined Catholic-Protestant party in Western Germany:  most
probably the remaining political forces of the liberal era could not hold
against Communism for a year -- and the defense against Communism would
devolve to the American army.


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                           Transcriber's Notes

1  Pelagianism designates a heresy of the fifth century which denied
original sin as well as Christian grace.


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Dr. M.W. Poirier                  | Dr. Geoffrey L. Price
Dept. of Political Science        | Dept. of Religions and Theology
Concordia University              | University of Manchester
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7141 Sherbrooke Street W.         | United Kingdom
MONTREAL, Quebec                  |
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